The Supreme Court Waiting Game

Back in November, the plaintiffs in the dual Kentucky marriage equality cases, Bourke v. Beshear and Love v. Beshear, for which I am one of the attorneys, petitioned the Supreme Court for review of the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals decision upholding Kentucky's ban on same sex marriage. The defendant, Governor Steve Beshear, filed a response supporting review by the Court.

Late last month, the plaintiffs filed a final reply, introducing additional counsel (including Jeffrey Fisher of Stanford Law School and attorneys with the American Civil Liberties Union) and providing additional context for the Court as to what is at stake and the harms being caused by the state's ongoing ban.

Since then, things have been quiet. As is normal in this process, once all the initial filings are submitted, the Supreme Court then schedules a private conference among the Justices to consider which cases to take up (or, in court parlance, "grant certiorari").

The Kentucky cases, along with other cases from Michigan, Ohio, Tennessee, and Louisiana, were discussed in conference today. The Los Angeles Times ran a nice summary of the cases.

The first chance for an announcement came at 2pm, when the Court issued a "Miscellaneous Orders" list. However, the Court only addressed two cases, neither of which was any of the same sex marriage appeals. The next chance for news comes next Monday at 9:30 p.m. Mondays are the typical days for orders from the Court announcing grants and denials of cert.

Now, what could happen on Monday? There are a few possibilities. First, the Court could announce that it will hear one - or some, or all - of the same-sex marriage cases and schedule a date for formal oral argument in the Court's chambers.

Or, the Court could deny cert. to all or some of the cases, effectively upholding the decision of the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals. But that would enshrine the existing "Circuit split" where some federal courts interpret the U.S. Constitution differently than others. This is a situation, especially in cases of major social importance, which the Court rarely tolerates. Therefore a denial of cert. seems unlikely.

A third possibility is silence. The Court could decline to make any decision yet on the same-sex marriage cases and instead pass the discussion to the next conference, which will be held on January 16. Then a decision could be announced either that afternoon or the next Monday, January 19. The Court could even pass the cases to the final conference on January 23.

In order for the Court to hear the same-sex marriage cases during the current term, a decision must be made before the end of January. If no decision is made, the Court could wait to hear the case early next term, which starts in October, 2015.

Though the Supreme Court does things in an often highly organized way, they retain incredible discretion when it comes to when they do those things. So predicting when or how the Court will decide on the same-sex marriage cases is nearly impossible.

The Kentucky plaintiffs and their attorneys certainly hope an announcement is made soon. Same-sex couples in Kentucky and in the few remaining states still discriminating against them have been waiting a very long time for their right to marriage to be recognized. Hopefully the wait will soon be over.

Selective Citation

Idaho governor Butch Otter this week filed an amicus brief in response to the pending Petitions for Writ of Certiorari from the Sixth Circuit same-sex marriage decision (which upheld the states' bans).

In it, Governor Otter argues that the Idaho case of Latta v. Otter is a better vehicle than any of the Sixth Circuit cases for the Supreme Court's ultimate and inevitable ruling on the question of whether same-sex marriage bans violate the Fourteenth Amendment. Primarily, he says, Idaho alone has vigorously defended its ban against all challenges, including the argument that such bans should be subjected to so-called "heightened" judicial scrutiny.

The governor also attacks the very idea of same-sex marriage as an unreasonable "redefinition" of a traditional institution. To bolster this argument, he says:

Writing not long ago, Judge [Richard] Posner described same-sex marriage as "a radical social policy." Richard A. Posner, Should There Be Homosexual Marriage? And If So, Who Should Decide? 95 Mich. l. Rev. 1578, 1584 (1997).

But why cite to something Judge Posner wrote "not long ago" in 1997, when that same Judge Posner wrote about same-sex marriage just this year? Entirely omitted from Governor Otter's brief is any mention of the 2014 case Baskin v. Bogan, in which Judge Posner, writing for a three-judge panel of the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals, struck down the same-sex marriage bans of Indiana and Wisconsin.

In that opinion, Posner writes:

[Wisconsin's] argument from tradition runs head on into Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967), since the limitation of marriage to persons of the same race was traditional in a number of states when the Supreme Court invalidated it. Laws forbidding black-white marriage dated back to colonial times and were found in northern as well as southern colonies and states. Tradition per se has no positive or negative significance. There are good traditions, bad traditions pilloried in such famous literary stories as Franz Kafka's "In the Penal Colony" and Shirley Jackson's "The Lottery," bad traditions that are historical realities such as cannibalism, foot-binding, and suttee, and traditions that from a public-policy standpoint are neither good nor bad (such as trick-or-treating on Halloween). Tradition per se therefore cannot be a lawful ground for discrimination - regardless of the age of the tradition.

Baskin v. Bogan, 766 F.3d 648, 666 (7th Cir. 2014) (internal citations omitted). (Otter's brief also omits any mention of Loving v. Virginia).

Regardless of whether Judge Posner once or still believes same-sex marriage is "a radical social policy," today he believes it simply doesn't matter for the purposes of the Fourteenth Amendment. It strikes me as odd to quote a specific author as an authoritative source without acknowledging his most important writing on the subject at issue. In this case, the controlling (and contrary) law of the Seventh Circuit.

Same-Sex Marriage: Kentucky Governor Supports Supreme Court Review

Today, Kentucky Governor Steve Beshear, through private counsel, filed his response to the Petition for Writ of Certiorari previously filed by plaintiffs in the same-sex marriage cases of Bourke v. Beshear and Love v. Beshear.

Normally, the party who won the case below will oppose Supreme Court review. However, Governor Beshear agrees with the plaintiffs that the legal questions presented in these cases are of exceptional importance, there is a "split" among the Circuit Courts of Appeal, and the Kentucky cases are good "vehicles" for the Supreme Court to address these issues. These are generally the most important factors the Supreme Court considers when deciding to review a lower court decision.

From Beshear's (rather brief) brief:

The right to same-sex marriage has been recognized in 44 states, plus the District of Columbia. In...33 states, recognition of the right to same-sex marriage has been by judicial declaration. A handful of those decisions have been stayed or, as in the Sixth Circuit, have been reversed on appeal. It is important for Kentucky - and the country -that the Court resolve the important question of who has the right to define marriage for a state, and if the role belongs to the States, then what is the appropriate standard by which the definition will be governed - rational basis, strict scrutiny, or a level in between.

Abating the Condition

From a June 29, 1916 article in the Louisville newspaper the Courier-Journal:

POLICE ARE INVESTIGATING EXTENT OF MISCEGENATION
Chief Lindsey Determines To Spare No Effort To Abate Practice Here.
Police Corp. John Sullivan has been detailed by the Chief of Police Lindsey to investigate the extent of miscegenation in Louisville. Yesterday afternoon two cases were brought to the attention of the police, which reflected a condition that Chief of Police Lindsey declared he was going to spare no effort to abate.
Complaints coming to Desk Sergt. Krakel that a white woman was in the house of a negro at 1204 Carpet alley caused Lieut. Moriarity and Corp. Sullivan to go to that address yesterday afternoon. There they found the room of Harry Jenkins, colored, 34 years old. In the room, they allege, they found a woman who these officers, Chief Lindsey, Jailer Foster and the jail matrons say is white, but who insists that she is a negro. Jenkins and the woman, who gave her name as Alice Shumaker, were arrested on charges of disorderly conduct.
At the jail the woman was slated as white, but beside her name was written, "claims she is colored." The woman is 30 years old and good looking. She said she had been married and lived in Shippingport, but was separated from her husband. A blood test will be made at the jail to determine whether or not she is a negro.

PDF available here.

The Sudden (and Curious) Allure of the Traditional Grand Jury

In the wake of the announcement that a Missouri grand jury had declined to indict police officer Darren Wilson for the brutal killing of teenager Michael Brown, many have criticized the actions of the local prosecutor and the procedure the grand jury followed. And for good reason.

As the saying goes, a grand jury would indict a ham sandwich if a prosecutor wanted them to. Grand juries hand down indictments almost every time they're given the chance. After all, their primary role is just to determine if there is probable cause to suspect a crime has been committed by the accused. They are not required to conclude ultimate guilt. They're just a way station on the route to a public trial.

Making the rounds is a passage from a 1992 Supreme Court case which clearly states the traditional role of the grand jury:

It is the grand jury’s function not ‘to enquire … upon what foundation [the charge may be] denied,’ or otherwise to try the suspect’s defenses, but only to examine ‘upon what foundation [the charge] is made’ by the prosecutor. Respublica v. Shaffer, 1 Dall. 236 (O. T. Phila. 1788); see also F. Wharton, Criminal Pleading and Practice § 360, pp. 248-249 (8th ed. 1880). As a consequence, neither in this country nor in England has the suspect under investigation by the grand jury ever been thought to have a right to testify or to have exculpatory evidence presented.

United States v. Williams, 504 U.S. 36, 51-52 (1992).

Indeed, the procedure followed by the grand jury in case of Darren Wilson is highly unusual, if for no other reason than the inclusion of extensive testimony by the accused himself. Normally only the prosecutor or a couple of witnesses in favor of indictment will be presented. Government attorneys are not even obligated to produce evidence suggesting the suspect's innocence if they possess it (like they would be in an actual trial).

If you think the Missouri grand jury got it wrong and should have indicted Wilson for the murder of Michael Brown, United States v. Williams gives you a lot of rhetorical ammo. But the full context of the case and the scope of its holding goes beyond just one incident of police homicide. It applies to all criminal defendants in all criminal cases where a grand jury is called to consider an indictment. A more extensive discussion of Williams is useful.

The Underlying Case

In 1988, a federal grand jury indicted investor John Williams for making numerous false statements overstating the value of assets owned by four Oklahoma banks.

After his arraignment, Williams moved the trial court to disclose all exculpatory evidence from the grand jury transcript. Exculpatory evidence is evidence which suggests a suspect is not guilty of the accused crime. The court granted Williams' motion. After reviewing the grand jury record, he moved for the court to dismiss his indictment, arguing that the prosecutor was obligated to present "substantial exculpatory evidence" to the jury but failed to do so.

The trial court eventually dismissed the indictment. The government prosecutors appealed, but the Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed the lower court's ruling, holding that the government had "substantially influenced" the grand jury to indict or otherwise raised doubt that the grand jury's decision was "free from such substantial influence." United States v. Williams, 899 F.2d 898, 903 (10th Cir. 1990).

The government appealed to the Supreme Court, which accepted the case.

The Supreme Court Ruling

The issue considered by the Court was "whether a district court may dismiss an otherwise valid indictment because the Government failed to disclose to the grand jury substantial exculpatory evidence in its possession." Williams, 504 U.S. at 37.

The Williams opinion, written by Justice Antonin Scalia and joined by four of his colleagues, extensively explores the history of grand jury procedure in the United States. The grand jury is not actually a part of the judicial branch of government - "it belongs to no branch of the institutional Government, serving as a kind of buffer or referee between the Government and the people." Id. at 47.

This separation from the normal judicial apparatus defines the grand jury's unique function:

Unlike [a] court, whose jurisdiction is predicated upon a specific case or controversy, the grand jury can investigate merely on suspicion that the law is being violated, or even because it wants assurance that it is not. It need not identify the offender it suspects, or even the precise nature of the offense it is investigating. The grand jury requires no authorization from its constituting court to initiate an investigation, nor does the prosecutor require leave of court to seek a grand jury indictment. And in its day-to-day functioning, the grand jury generally operates without the interference of a presiding judge. It swears in its own witnesses, and deliberates in total secrecy.

Id. at 48 (internal quotations and citations omitted).

As the Court clearly explains, a grand jury does not operate under the rules to which trial courts are bound. For that reason, it also provides far fewer protections to criminal defendants, who, in every other aspect of the criminal justice system, receive significant due process protections under the Fifth, Sixth, and Fourteenth Amendments to the Constitution.

For example, in a criminal trial, the government may not use against a defendant evidence that was seized in violation of the Fourth Amendment. This is called the "exclusionary rule." But that rule doesn't apply to a grand jury. Similarly, grand juries may also consider hearsay testimony.

On the other hand, while illegally obtained evidence and second-hand testimony may be admitted, the grand jury is under no obligation to consider the suspect's side of the story. The reason is because "the grand jury sits not to determine guilt or innocence, but to assess whether there is adequate basis for bringing a criminal charge. That has always been so; and to make the assessment it has always been thought sufficient to hear only the prosecutor's side." Id. at 51 (internal citation omitted).

The rules governing grand juries are so lax that indictments cannot be challenged after they are handed down on the basis that the evidence considered by the grand jury was insufficient or incompetent. "[T]he mere fact that evidence itself is unreliable is not sufficient to require a dismissal of the indictment, and . . .a challenge to the reliability or competence of the evidence presented to the grand jury will not be heard." Id. at 54 (internal quotations omitted).

Ultimately, the Court in Williams ruled that prosecutors are not obligated to present exculpatory evidence during the grand jury procedure. They may present only one side of the story - their belief that the suspect has committed a crime - and the grand jury may decide to indict in reliance upon that alone.

The Implications of the Grand Jury Tradition

It should dawn on you by now that the traditional grand jury proceeding is extraordinarily biased in favor of the government. Suspects facing a motivated prosecutor rarely have any chance to avoid indictment. And the stats prove it - indictments are handed down so often that grand juries are effectively just rubber stamps for prosecutor prerogatives.

But what happens if a prosecutor seeks an indictment for nefarious reasons? Perhaps a prosecutor has a grudge, or engages in extensive misconduct. Even if an unfairly accused suspect is ultimately exonerated at trial, they still must endure numerous negative effects of a criminal accusation: lost time, expensive legal fees, embarrassment, injury to reputation, and even jail time if the charges are severe enough for a judge to deny bail. Innocent suspects may even be convicted and endure long prison sentences or worse.

There are few safeguards, at the grand jury stage of the proceedings, to prevent that kind of harm to innocent people. That's why Justice Scalia's history lesson in United States v. Williams must be approached with some apprehension. It is true that Darren Wilson received special treatment from a grand jury of a sort almost never extended to anyone else facing potential indictment. But that kind of special treatment could easily protect legitimately innocent people from being indicted when they otherwise would be under the prevailing tradition of the grand jury system.

Which would we prefer? Even if you believe Wilson should be charged with a crime for killing Michael Brown, is a lax grand jury system highly vulnerable to prosecutorial misconduct and abuse really preferable to something more thorough and protective of constitutional rights?

Maybe only the end result matters when it comes to public opinion. How many people would happily quote Justice Scalia if an obviously innocent person had been indicted instead? It's a question worth considering, because that's a far more common outcome than the deference given to Darren Wilson.